Nonja Peters’ comprehensive chapter The Enterprising Dutch analyses the occupational adjustment and entrepreneurial activities of Dutch migrants in Western Australia after World War II, examining their transition from wage labour to self-employment. The study spans three distinct groups: first-generation postwar migrants (1947–1975), their Australian-born or raised children (second generation), and better-educated, middle-class Dutch who arrived after 1975 (recent arrivals). Drawing on 125 oral history interviews, Peters traces a nuanced picture of Dutch socioeconomic adaptation through employment, business formation, and generational shifts in values, education, and opportunity.
Postwar Migration and Employment Adjustment
From the late 1940s, Australia encouraged Dutch migration to bolster its population and workforce. Dutch migrants were attracted by assisted passage schemes and visions of prosperity, while the Netherlands, facing postwar instability, promoted emigration as a solution to overpopulation and economic strain. Migrants were typically tradespeople selected for their skills in metal, construction, and manufacturing sectors. However, these qualifications often faced recognition barriers due to union requirements, language difficulties, and differing certification standards. Some skilled migrants, unable to pass local trades tests, took unskilled work or retrained.
Trade union hostility and rigid Australian employment structures led many Dutch men to pursue self-employment to regain occupational status and independence. Dutch women, by contrast, were less likely to work outside the home due to cultural norms, childcare challenges, and a lack of extended family support. Where women did enter paid work, it was often in part-time or family-run enterprises.
Self-employment and the First Generation
Self-employment became a defining feature of Dutch postwar integration in WA. Nearly half of first-generation Dutch business owners worked as subcontracting tradesmen, enabled by Australia’s demand for construction labour and fewer business entry barriers compared to the Netherlands. These enterprises—ranging from bakeries to import shops and aged care homes—often involved spousal or family partnerships and relied on thrift, unpaid family labour, and long hours.
Dutch entrepreneurial success was often underpinned by Calvinist values of self-reliance, diligence, and anti-union sentiment. Migrants frequently cited Australia’s freer economic environment, compared to the regulation-heavy Netherlands, as a key motivator for business ownership. Financial capital for start-ups was cobbled together through overseas family loans, intense personal savings, or second jobs. Many women worked behind the scenes, often with limited recognition.
The Second Generation
The children of postwar migrants entered self-employment later and in different sectors. While generally less formally educated than their Dutch-born parents, second-generation males often entered white-collar roles in retail or sales before becoming entrepreneurs. Their ventures were typically in lower-risk, higher-capital businesses, such as hotel ownership or franchising. They were more likely to benefit from local educational networks and bilingualism, enabling broader community engagement and more diverse employment paths.
Women in the second generation mostly pursued domestic roles, though some established independent businesses later in life—often after raising children. Those who succeeded typically upgraded their qualifications through night school or tertiary education, especially after university fees were abolished in the 1970s.
Recent Arrivals Post-1975
Unlike earlier cohorts, recent Dutch arrivals were typically middle-class and financially secure. Motivated less by economic hardship and more by dissatisfaction with Dutch society—overcrowding, bureaucracy, and social problems—they brought with them capital, education, and business acumen. Many surveyed Australia before migrating, allowing them to establish businesses quickly and integrate into middle-class Australian life.
Their enterprises spanned high-tech, consulting, engineering, and horticulture sectors. This group often hired based on skill rather than ethnicity, but maintained Dutch-language marketing when serving older Dutch clients. Socially, they were more cosmopolitan and maintained strong ties with the Netherlands through travel and export networks. They were also active in forming the Australian Netherlands Chamber of Commerce (ANCOC), though this group largely excluded earlier Dutch migrants unless they had achieved significant financial status.
Comparative Insights
Peters’ study reveals a complex web of adaptation strategies shaped by structural opportunities in Australia and the cultural and educational capital migrants brought with them. Dutch migrants demonstrated strong entrepreneurial tendencies, aided by family networks, shared cultural values, and resilience in the face of institutional exclusion. Over time, however, generational shifts in education, integration, and aspirations reshaped the nature of Dutch-Australian business life.
Biography: Nonja Peters
Dr Nonja Peters is an eminent historian, anthropologist, and writer specialising in migration history, particularly that of Dutch and postwar European communities in Australia. Based in Western Australia, she has held academic appointments at Curtin University and Murdoch University and is a noted authority on the social and economic contributions of Dutch Australians.
Her interdisciplinary work spans oral history, ethnography, labour studies, and heritage preservation. She has authored and edited several influential works on Dutch migration, including Milk and Honey But No Gold and Trading Places. Peters also played a leading role in preserving migrant heritage through museum exhibitions and archival projects and was instrumental in establishing the Western Australian Maritime Museum’s migration gallery.
Peters’ scholarship is grounded in empirical fieldwork and personal testimony, offering rich insights into the lives of migrants beyond official statistics. Her work is widely respected for its nuanced, human-centred approach and has made a lasting impact on Australian migration studies and cultural heritage.
