In 1596, the first Dutch ships arrived at the islands of the Moluccas (Spice Islands), marking the beginning of trade relations between the Netherlands and the Indonesian archipelago. This was part of the broader European exploration and colonisation wave. The Dutch East India Company, known as the VOC (Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie), was established in 1602. The VOC quickly became one of the most powerful commercial enterprises in the world, setting up fortified trading posts across the Indonesian archipelago, which spans over 5,000 kilometres.
While the VOC did not initially seek to colonise the area fully, it used force to establish and maintain trading monopolies, particularly in lucrative spices such as nutmeg, cloves, and pepper. This aggressive commercial strategy led to severe violence, including incidents of mass murder. One of the most notorious was the Banda Massacre of 1621, where almost the entire population of the Banda Islands was killed or enslaved by the Dutch in an effort to control the nutmeg trade. This event is often described as genocide due to the scale of the atrocities.
The VOC’s dominance continued for nearly two centuries, but by the late 18th century, it was facing severe financial difficulties due to corruption, mismanagement, and costly wars. The VOC went bankrupt in 1799, and the Dutch government took over its territories and responsibilities in 1800. This marked the beginning of formal colonisation, and the Netherlands East Indies (NEI) began to take shape as a colonial entity.
Throughout the 19th century, the Dutch expanded their control from these trading posts to cover most of the archipelago. This expansion was often met with resistance from local rulers and populations, resulting in numerous wars and conflicts, such as the Java War (1825-1830), which was a significant revolt against Dutch rule led by Prince Diponegoro. The Dutch eventually emerged victorious but at a tremendous human and financial cost, solidifying their control over Java and other parts of the archipelago.
The Cultivation System (Cultuurstelsel), implemented in 1830, forced Indonesian farmers to devote a portion of their land to cash crops like sugar, coffee, and indigo, which were then exported to Europe. This system brought enormous wealth to the Netherlands but caused widespread poverty and famine among the local population.
By the early 20th century, the Dutch had effectively unified the diverse and vast Indonesian archipelago under their colonial administration, though the sense of national identity among the local population was still not fully developed. However, the unification process did lead to the emergence of a native elite, often educated in Dutch institutions, who began to see the archipelago as one nation. This was the genesis of early nationalist movements.
Budi Utomo, founded in 1908, is often regarded as the first nationalist organisation in Indonesia. The nationalist movement gradually gained momentum, leading to the formation of other significant organisations, such as the Sarekat Islam and the Indonesian National Party (PNI), founded by Sukarno in 1927.
Initial uprisings against Dutch colonial rule were generally small-scale and localised, but a significant revolt occurred in 1926-1927, led by the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI). The revolt was ruthlessly suppressed by the Dutch, with around 13,000 people arrested, and 4,500 were exiled to Boven-Digoel (Tanah Merah) in Dutch New Guinea, near the Digoel River. These exiles, many of them intellectuals, became known as the Digulists.
The brutal suppression of the 1926-1927 revolt dealt a severe blow to the independence movement, increasing resentment toward Dutch rule. The nationalist movement remained largely confined to the middle and upper classes of the native population, with some support from the Indo-European (Indo) community. This community, however, generally favoured greater autonomy rather than full independence. Despite growing discontent, the Dutch government was reluctant to grant significant political concessions, though minor reforms were introduced at local levels. At this time, the Netherlands derived significant economic benefit from the NEI, with resources like oil, rubber, and tin playing critical roles. The exact contribution of the NEI to the national GDP is difficult to quantify but was undeniably substantial.
World War II and Japanese Occupation
The geopolitical situation in the region changed dramatically with the onset of World War II. In 1942, Japan invaded the Netherlands East Indies as part of its broader strategy to secure resources for its war effort. The invasion was swift, and the Dutch colonial administration was quickly overwhelmed. Under the slogan “Asia for the Asians,” the Japanese sought to portray themselves as liberators from Western colonial powers.
However, the reality of Japanese occupation was harsh. Dutch and other European residents were rounded up, with around 100,000 interned in brutal conditions where nearly 25% of the internees died due to starvation, forced labour, and disease. Simultaneously, the Japanese promised independence to Indonesia in exchange for collaboration, which included supplying critical resources like rice, rubber, and oil to Japan’s war effort. Of course independence with Japan being the overlord. This exploitation led to widespread famine, with an estimated 2.4 million Indonesians dying of starvation during the Japanese occupation. President Sukarno was never held account for this.
The Japanese also provided paramilitary training to young Indonesians, indoctrinating them with their imperialist ideology. This training would later play a significant role in the uncontrolled mob violence that occurred in the post-war struggle for Indonesian independence.
The Netherlands East Indies Government-in-Exile
During the Japanese occupation, the Dutch government and the Netherlands East Indies government-in-exile, based in Brisbane, Australia, were largely powerless to influence events in the archipelago. The Dutch exiled the Digulists to Australia during the war, labelling them as rebels, though they were political prisoners. Australia’s annoyance at the Dutch deception contributed to the decision not to imprison these individuals on Australian soil. The Digulists maintained contact with Indonesian developments and began lobbying for Australian political support for Indonesian independence, gaining the backing of the powerful Australian labour unions.
Meanwhile, the Netherlands East Indies government-in-exile advocated for more independence after the war, but the Dutch government in London remained resistant to such ideas. Queen Wilhelmina’s 1942 speech did hint at post-war reforms, proposing a commonwealth structure. However, its contents were vague and did not satisfy Indonesian nationalist aspirations.
The Dutch government was primarily focused on re-establishing control after the war, underestimating the growing strength of Indonesian nationalism.
The Allied Advance and the Post-War Power Vacuum
As the Allies (primarily the Americans) advanced in the Pacific, the Dutch lobbied for the liberation of the NEI by the Americans. Initially, President Roosevelt supported this, but General Douglas MacArthur convinced him to bypass the NEI and focus on the Philippines, encircling Japan and ultimately leading to the use of atomic bombs and the end of the war. This avoided fighting the Japanese in NEI and thus saving American lives.
This decision left Japanese forces stranded in the NEI. In the resulting power vacuum, the indoctrinated Indonesian youth, emboldened by the Japanese, seized the opportunity to assert mob control. They began slaughtering Dutch civilians and, once they arrived, Allied military forces as well as perceived collaborators, including ethnic Chinese and people from the Moluccas. This extreme violent period, known as Bersiap (meaning “ready” in Indonesian), was marked by brutal attacks, with thousands of deaths and widespread destruction. The violence targeted not only the Dutch but also those seen as loyal to the colonial regime or ethnic minorities.
In Australia, the Digulists successfully lobbied the unions to boycott Dutch ships heading to Indonesia. Although these ships were primarily intended to re-establish Dutch control, they were also carrying essential supplies for the 100,000 women and children interned in the camps and another 100,000 POWs (mainly Dutch and Australians). The boycott inadvertently delayed aid to these internees, further complicating the humanitarian situation. The Dutch, as well as the British Forces (Lord Mountbatten) —tasked by MacArthur with the takeover of power from the Japanese in NEI—were unable to convince the Australian Government to break the boycott of the all-powerful unions. The boycott did not affect air transport, but its capacity was limited.
The Chaotic Aftermath and the Path to Independence
The period immediately after the war was extremely chaotic. First of all, there was the above-mentioned power vacuum in Indonesia, which allowed for the violent, anarchistic Bersiap developments. Those interned in the camps depended on Japanese protection, but the mob also attacked the Japanese, killed them and took their weapons. So, this was a lawless situation with little or no protection from the unilaterally proclaimed Indonesian Republik.
The Netherlands, newly liberated from Nazi occupation, was still struggling with its own reconstruction and lacked the manpower to both rebuild the homeland and manage the NEI. The reluctance from the U.S. and Australia to support Dutch recolonisation efforts, combined with the successful lobbying of the Digulists, contributed to an already deteriorating Bersiap situation.
Australia also had little insight into what was happening in the country to their north. Until the start of the war, their foreign and military policies were largely dominated by the British. It was only during the war that Australia was forced to establish independent policies in these areas. They lacked a network that could have provided them with better foreign intelligence. While press reports regarding the Bersiap period emerged, they did not significantly influence Australian policy, which remained hesitant to support Dutch colonial ambitions.
With hindsight, several things should have been done differently:
- Dutch Miscalculations: The Dutch government should have had a better understanding of the strong desire for independence among Indonesians and recognised the impact of Japanese propaganda in fostering nationalist sentiment. In particular, when the Digulists in Australia were able to obtain good information about the independence developments happening in the NEI. More proactive engagement with Indonesian leaders during the war might have led to a more peaceful transition of power. It also took the Netherlands many decades to acknowledge their atrocities in NEI.
- Allied Strategic Oversights: The Allies (particularly the U.S.) should have developed a more comprehensive plan for the post-war liberation and governance of the NEI. The focus on defeating Japan left a power vacuum in Indonesia, which could have been mitigated with better planning and coordination with local nationalist movements.
- Australian Policy Gaps: The Australian government should have paid more attention to the Bersiap period and taken a stronger role in separating humanitarian aid from the recolonisation issue. Australia’s lack of foreign intelligence and a clear post-war strategy in Southeast Asia contributed to the chaos.
- Indonesia as the Japanese promised independence their leadership collaborated with the Japanese as an enormous cost to their own population as well as to those people slaughtered by the Bersiap mobs. They should at a minimum have acknowledged these atrocities.
The situation worsened when the Dutch finally mustered more resources to reassert control over the NEI, leading to a brutal and bloody war for independence. The Indonesian National Revolution (1945-1949) was marked by significant violence, atrocities on both sides, and international pressure on the Dutch to grant independence.
Ultimately, Indonesia gained its independence in 1949 after a prolonged struggle, and the Dutch saw their international influence severely damaged and diminished. Their lack of international standing also led to the tragic situation in Dutch New Guinea, where, following Indonesia’s independence, the UN in 1962 ruled that the territory had to be ceded to Indonesia. This resulted in the ongoing marginalisation and suffering of the indigenous Papuan population, who have since faced repression and a struggle for self-determination.
Paul Budde
August 2024
